It is not just that the ancient Jews suffered and were saved, delivered to a new life. It is not just that Jesus Christ has suffered, died and risen. It is that we each go through the Paschal Mystery, we each suffer some cross, die some death, rise to some new life.

Father Frank

I saw this clearly on the trip to El Salvador as a member of the Sister Community Delegation We went to visit our sisters and brothers in Christ in Hacienda Vieja which is on the boarder with Honduras.     We chose the time of our visit to coincide with the annual memorial March and Mass to commemorate the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero.

 I saw the Pascal Mystery made real in Monseñor Romero’s life and in the lives of the people of Hacienda Vieja. First, about Oscar Romero. Many of you already know his story. He was a conservative priest, having studied in Rome. He was a good priest who rose through the ranks; a parish priest, editor of the Catholic paper, rector of the seminary, auxiliary bishop.

When he was made Archbishop of San Salvador in 1977 the priests who supported liberation theology, who sided with the poor of the country were dismayed and the government was happy. He was a compromise candidate who was expected to keep his head down and not make waves.

Then his friend, a Jesuit name Rutilio Grande,was shot by a death squad for his work with the campesinos.  The government and press pretended it didn’t happen despite Archbishop Romero pressure to investigate.

He started listening to the stories of the campesinos who came to his home. His Sunday homilies at the Cathedral were broadcast on radio heard by the people in far away hamlets like Hacienda Vieja.

In those national addresses he told the stories of the campesinos and their suffering. He consistently denounced the government’s abuse of the human rights of the poor. He preached the gospel in its fullness and became a voice for the voiceless.

Three years after he became Archbishop, on Sunday March 23, 1980 he preached the words that sealed his fate.

 He said to the members of the Salvadoran military,

No soldier is obliged to obey an order contrary to the law of God. No one has to obey an immoral law. It is high time you obeyed your consciences rather than sinful orders. The church cannot remain silent before such an abomination.

…In the name of God, in the name of this suffering people whose cry rises to heaven more loudly each day, I implore you, I beg you, I order you: stop the repression”

 The next day Archbishop Romero was celebrating Mass at the cancer hospital where he lived and served as chaplain.                                                                                                                             

A car pulled up to this door. The driver got out as if to inspect a tire. The sharpshooter, a sub sergeant in the National Guard rolled down the window in the back seat and fired down this aisle. And a single .22 caliber bullet pierced the heart of the Archbishop.                                              

He had just got finished preaching on the gospel from John 12 “unless a grain of wheat falls to the ground and dies, it remains just a grain of wheat; but if it dies, it produces much fruit.”

 He preached ”I am bound, as a pastor, by divine command to give my life for those whom I love, and that is all Salvadorans, even those who are going to kill me.”

 Three years after he became Archbishop he was killed in a state sponsored execution. Like Jesus he was killed by the authorities for speaking the truth to power. The parallel with Jesus’ public ministry is not lost on the people who call him San Romero.

 Monsenor Romero said, “if they kill me I will rise again in the people of El Salvador.”                                                                                                                                                         

That is what happened. HE HAS RISEN IN THE HEARTS OF HIS PEOPLE.                              

Through out El Salvador we saw murals of Romero, T shirts that say San Romero de Americas – St. Oscar of the Americas – and crosses similar to this that show that Romero has risen in the people, from the blood of this martyr faith has grown.                                                                            

He has certainly risen in the hearts of the people of Hacienda Vieja. By accompanying the people of Hacienda Vieja, a village of about 450 people, in their daily lives for three days we witnessed the Good Friday – Easter story, the suffering, death and resurrection story.

They have suffered. During the war they were forced to flee to a refugee camp in Honduras. The government carried out a scorched earth policy in the state of Chalatenango a stronghold of the rebel forces. The military burned the crops, bombed villages and strafed with machine gun fire from helicopters unarmed villagers – women and children – fleeing across the border.                                                                                                                                      

One man told a story of being in his cornfield outside the village when the planes came and dropped bombs. When he returned to his house he found a 1,000 lb. unexploded bomb sticking up out of the roof “like a giant papaya” he said. His wife and children were buried under rubble. He and his family left for Mesa Grande a refugee camp in Honduras. The whole village became refugees.

 When they came back to rebuild the village after the peace accords in 1992 they were faced with having to rebuild from the scorched earth up. The poverty of the region forced a large number of the young and able bodied from Hacienda Vieja to migrate to the U.S. and send money back to their families.

 By their hard work, remittances from the U.S., and, in more  recent years with the help of a more friendly government they have experienced a resurrection as a community.

From scorched earth to a school                       

From scorched earth to a soccer field.               

From scorched earth to a playground                

For more than 20 years The Paulist Center has seen the Paschal Mystery in Hacienda Vieja.

What about us personally?

We tell the Holy Thursday, Good Friday, Easter story,

the death and resurrection story

so that we can be in the story,

that our lives are seen as part of the big story.

We all go through the Paschal Mystery in our lives. Have a cross to bear – some suffering

We suffer deaths in our life and we experience resurrection, we have hope in God.

 This trip for me was a great Lenten retreat. I had to let go of a lot not just my cell phone, computer and café latte. I had to let go of any sense of control – things happened when they happened on a schedule not my own, I didn’t speak the language had to rely on others. Mostly what I had to let go of was any sense of self-pity or entitlement.

 When I saw how hard they worked and how little they had compared to with what I have then any sense of feeling sorry for myself was laughable. I realize that through very little effort on my own I live in prosperity, I didn’t hit a triple, I was born on third base.

That was the letting go and the resurrection is a rising sense of gratitude.

Grateful for never having to live in a war zone,

not having a family member disappear or be murdered

not having to use a sharp stick to punch a hole in the ground, drop in a corn seed on a dry hillside in the hot sun.

 Grateful not only for what I have but for who is in my life.

Grateful for having a community that makes real the resurrection.

 Grateful for the faith that is at the heart of this community.

Faith in Jesus Christ whose life, death, and resurrection is the pattern and promise that we will share in the resurrection.

This is what we pass along to those joining the Church through the RCIA. Those who will now join us around the communion table where we express this unity.

 I am grateful for the Eucharist, for the communion we share with each other and with God. This is the pinnacle prayer of the Church, the highpoint of our faith that tonight we share. Summed up in this prayer is the suffering and death and resurrection of the whole Body of Christ, Jesus the head of the body and us, all of us, people from the east and west, people from the North and People from the South.

             All of us together as the Risen Body of Christ.

Please share this ad far and wide with friends, family, pastors, on facebook, the web, etc.

HONOR CONSCIENCE . DEFEND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.

STAND WITH AMERICAN NUNS.

As people of faith, we reaffirm our love and gratitude to the thousands of women religious in the United States who have stood with and served the poor, healed the sick, sheltered the homeless, accompanied  immigrants, taught our children,  sought peace instead of war. 

By their many good works and adherence to Christian principles,  U.S. Sisters  have kept the church from moral bankruptcy. 

Yet today, these women and their communities have come under fire by the Vatican’s actions against the Leadership Conference of Women Religious (LCWR) for their humanitarian stance on a variety of issues, including universal healthcare, the role of women in the church , the LGBT community, and economic justice.

In the spirit of Vatican II, we lay claim to the belief that “the church is all of us.”

We are all made in the image and likeness of God.  Authentic religious freedom supports the free exchange of ideas, and the primacy of conscience in pursuit of the Common Good.

We lament the Vatican’s effort to foreclose dialogue and to impose their authority on women religious and the broader community. We reject some  Bishops’ claim to be the ultimate authority and sole arbiters of truth. History has documented the fallibility of all human institutions, including the Roman Catholic Church.  We are deeply concerned by the timing of these actions and the perception they create:  namely that the Vatican and U.S. Bishops are seeking   to limit discernment and manipulate the upcoming political elections in the United States to advance a narrow political agenda.

Our democracy was founded on the principle of the separation of Church and State.

 Our church was founded on the principles of love, forgiveness and communion.

We invite all within and outside the Roman Catholic community to express support for our Sisters and their good works in service to the poor and for a more just, compassionate and humane world.  We call upon our leaders – especially religious leaders — to stand with our Sisters. We pray for the courage to live by the gospel invocation to  “Do Justice, love kindness, walk humbly with our God. “  (Micah 6)

For more information and ways to get involved  visit:

http://ncronline.org/SistersUnderScrutiny

If you would like to add your name the National Catholic Reporter ad, please send the following information to jartiga@share-elsalvador.org or mail it to 2425 College Ave. Berkeley, CA 94704 by May 15th.

Name (as you want your name to appear on the ad)

Organizational Affiliation (Optional, for identification purposes only)

Address

Telephone Number

Email

If you would like to make a donation make your check payable to:  the SHARE Foundation/Stand with the Sisters.  Mail it to 2425 College Ave., Berkeley, CA, 94704

 You can also donate online at www.share-elsalvador.org/donate, and select “Support out Sister/NCR Ad” as the Program Designation.

THANK YOU FOR YOUR SOLIDARITY!

Memorial for the victims of the El Mozote Massacre.

This morning, in Guayaquil, Ecuador, the Inter-American Human Rights Court opened its public hearing on the El Mozote massacre – one of the largest, most brutal massacres in Latin America. In December of 1981, members of the Salvadoran armed forces entered El Mozote and the surrounding villages rounding up, separating, and systematically killing men, women, and children. Through investigations, exhumations, and testimonies, Tutela Legal, the San Salvador Archdiocese’s human rights office and SHARE partner has identified 819 individuals killed in the massacre – over half under the age of twelve. Many of the soldiers responsible trained at the School of the Americas at Ft. Benning, Georgia in the U.S.

While the Inter-American Human Rights Commission has ruled on several cases of grave human rights abuses in El Salvador during the war, very few cases have been passed on to the Court, whose decisions are legally binding and viewed very seriously by Latin American governments. This will be the first time the court will give a ruling on the General Amnesty Law passed in March 1993, just five days after the U.N. Truth Commission released its report, From Madness to Hope, on human rights abuses during the war. The amnesty law provided complete blanket amnesty for everyone

The Children's Garden at the El Mozote Memorial

Together with Tutela Legal, family members of victims of the massacre first opened judicial investigations of the massacre in El Salvador in 1990 and despite many set-backs and the denials of the Salvadoran and U.S. government, were able to irrevocably establish proof of the massacre through a series of exhumations. The Amnesty Law in 1993 prevented further investigation or court trials in El Salvador. Tutela Legal, however, took the case to the Inter-American Human Rights Commission, and was later joined by the Center for International Law and Justice (CEJIL) in representing the case. In response to the government´s lack of compliance with its recommendations, the Commission passed the case on to the Court in 2011.

In January 2012, on the 20^thanniversary of the peace accords, for the first time, the Salvadoran government acknowledged its role in the massacre, as President Funes offered an apoloyg at the El Mozote memorialand announced a series of communal reparations. Unfortunately, he has also taken more steps towards militarization of the public security forces than any other president since the Peace Accords.

Tutela Legal and CEJIL have brought thirteen family members of victims and survivors of the massacres to give witness during the hearing. SHARE congratulates Tutela Legal, CEJIL, and the Committee of Victims of El Mozote for this important step in the ongoing struggle for justice for the El Mozote Massacre.

Organizers flyer the Pacific Rim Mining Company sign in Sesutepeque, Cabañas. Photo courtesy of stopesmining.org

On April 11, 2012 the trials for the murders of  two environmentalists in in Trinidad, Sesutepeque, Cabañas – including (Ramiro Rivera and Dora Sorto – who was 8 months pregnant at that time) came to an end with six members of the 18th Street gang being sentenced to between 30-145 years in prison.  Unfortunately, the conclusions of  prosecuter in the Court of Specialized Sentencing  were  incredibly disappointing.  According to prosecutor’s hypothesis, none of the murders are linked to environmental activism against mining. Instead, they blame personal fueds that existed between families in the area.  Following this logic,  5 suspects were relased. In a statement by released by the Environmental Comitee of Cabañas they denounced this decison.

Similar reasons were cited in the case of Marcelo Rivera, an  anti-mining activist who was murdered in Cabañas in 2009. While it’s true that there are tensions and conflict within communities impacted or threatened by mining, many of them have been caused by the proposal of mining projects. Some community members are enticed by the projects such as schools and soccer fields that mining companies have offered, while others have spoken out and organized against mining because of the destructive impacts for humans and the environment.

The following is an article from La Prensa Grafica outlining the prosecutions denial of a connection between anti-mining activity and the violence:

10 prosecuted for murders of environmentalists

Source: La Prensa Grafica By Suchit Chavez, Wednesday, April 11, 2012

On April 10th, the Court of Specialized Sentencing in San Salvador began a trial against 10 people accused of involvement in five murders, including two environmentalists, which occurred in 2009 in the small community of Trinidad, in the municipality of Sensuntepeque (Department of Cabañas).

The defendants, according to the prosecutors, are supposedly close to two families in the conflict.

Most of the violent deaths occurred in December 2009. Within days of each other, Ramiro Rivera, Felicita Argueta and Dora Alicia Sorto were killed in different parts of the Trinidad community. At the time Rivera and Sorto were identified as activists against active mining projects in the area. Months earlier in the same area, two relatives of a man linked to mining, Horacio Menjivar and his wife, Esperanza Velasco were also killed.

The chief prosecutor of the Organized Crime Unit (UNICCO), Rodolfo Delgado said yesterday that following his investigation, prosecutors ruled that the crimes were not related to the activity of the mining company.

According to Delgado, “these families had previous quarrels with each other.” Activity for and against mining exacerbated ​​these alleged attacks, he said.

Delgado declined to specify what the prior arguments were about, or if they had ballistic tests that connected the cases. The prosecutor stated this was due to the fact that the trial was still ongoing. He added, however, that two witnesses gave statements indicating there was allegedly a history of problems between the families.

The killing of Marcelo Rivera, another environmentalist, occurred in June 2009 in another town in Cabañas, and was disconnected by the chief prosecutor to the case currently being processed in the Court of Specialized Sentencing. In September 2010, three people were sentenced to 40 years in prison for the murder of Rivera.

 –Translation by SHARE staff

Corte Suprema de Justicia admite recurso de inconstitucionalidad en
contra del nombramiento del Ministro de Justicia y Seguridad Pública y el Director de la Policía Nacional Civil que el 21 de febrero de este año presentó Iniciativa Social para la Democracia (ISD) yotras organizaciones. Confundamento del contenido de la demanda, la Sala considera que los demandantes lograronidentificar adecuadamente los elementos del control de constitucionalidadindispensables para que la demanda que se presentósea admitida a trámite; portanto, se admitió la demanda de inconstitucionalidad y se pide informar al Presidente de la República para que justifique la constitucionalidad de losAcuerdos Ejecutivos emitidos.

A partir de los resultados electorales del 11 de Marzo hemos podido leer y escuchar muchos comentarios, análisis, y reflexiones. Hay quienes manifiestan que es un voto de castigo al frente porque el gobierno de Funes no está cumpliendo con las promesas electorales, otros dicen que se debió a los errores de la dirección del partido de no saber escuchar a las bases generando imposición en candidaturas tanto de alcaldes como de diputados/as, o apoyando leyes como el 743. También se ha dicho que el pueblo no ha visto bien el distanciamiento entre Funes y el partido, además consideran que el gobierno le hace el juego a la derecha tomando medidas para ganarse su confianza y no escucha a los sectores que le llevaron al poder. En Contrapunto, un periódico digital  un columnista plantea que en el país tenemos tres tipos de Izquierda la partidaria, la no partidaria y la eventual o coyuntural asegurando que la no partidaria fue a votar como una forma de protestar por las políticas que se están impulsando y que la eventual se mueve a otros partidos dependiendo de la coyuntura, como puede verse hay diferentes lecturas y apreciaciones para los diferentes gustos.

Cada partido debe hacer su propio análisis de los resultados, retomar las lecciones positivas y aprender mucho de los errores cometidos. También debe haber un análisis y reflexión de las organizaciones sociales y diversos sectores de la sociedad y dependiendo de su posición política y sus intereses deben definir una estrategia no solo para periodos electorales, sino para continuar trabajando por las transformaciones sociales. Económicas y políticas que nos lleven a cambiar la realidad de nuestro país, favoreciendo a la población más vulnerable.

QUE NOS DICEN LOS DATOS ELECOTORALES DE LOS ÚLTIMOS TRES COMICIOS ELECTORALES DE LOS PARTIDOS MAYORITARIOS

               *Datos del Tribunal Supremo Electoral

Al analizar los datos podemos ver que ARENA solo creció 16,000 votos con relación a las elecciones de 2009 y que el FMLN tuvo 139,000 votos menos que en las elecciones del 2009, (hay que tomar en cuenta que eran elecciones para presidente y generalmente crece el número de votantes). La diferencia entre ARENA y el FMLN para 2012- 2015 es de 66,000 votos, en número de diputados es de dos diputados más para ARENA. El mensaje esta dado para ambos partidos por parte de la población, los resultados han generado un equilibrio de fuerzas y dependerá de la capacidad negociadora tanto del FMLN como de ARENA para obtener mayoría simple en la Asamblea, y para lograr mayoría calificada si no hay negociación y acuerdos entre ambos partidos no habrá votación calificada.

El gran ganador de estas elecciones es el partido GANA que contra todos los pronósticos logro 11 diputados, algo nunca visto, ya que históricamente los partidos que se han separado de otro no sobreviven.

QUE PASO CON LA NUEVA FORMA DE VOTAR POR LAS PERSONAS.

Se dijo que era un sistema complicado, que el votante iba anular su voto, que era improcedente. Lo que ocurrió el 11 de Marzo es que la población tuvo la oportunidad de votar por las personas de su preferencia y en todos los partidos cambio la lista que era de preferencia de los partidos por el voto de preferencia del ciudadano, esto es muy importante en cuanto participación democrática, lo cual no quiere decir que las personas que fueron electas por la gente sean las más idóneas, en muchos casos la gente marco por el grado de simpatía y popularidad y no por capacidad de legislar.

SOBRE LA COMPOSICION DE LA NUEVA BANCADA POR GENERO.

Cuando se aprobó la nueva forma de voto por personas algunas analistas mencionaron que esto ponía en desventaja las candidaturas de las mujeres ya que la inclinación de la población es apoyar a los hombres en cargos públicos. Los resultados nos dejan 22 mujeres como diputadas propietarias (13 del FMLN, 8 de ARENA y una de GANA), Hay un incremento de mujeres con relación a la legislatura anterior. Lo curioso es lo siguiente; el partido FMLN mantiene el número de mujeres, ARENA creció a 8 mujeres propietarias. Al ver los datos algunos dirán que el voto de derecha se ha sensibilizado sobre el enfoque de género, no se trata de eso. Sino de otros factores son mujeres que hicieron campañas millonarias para ellas más que todo en San Salvador (ARENA tiene 5 diputadas por San Salvador), por ejemplo en el departamento de la libertad de cinco diputados ARENA no tiene ni una mujer y el FMLN de cuatro tiene dos mujeres. Al analizar los números reales el FMLN en su bancada contará con el 42% de mujeres y ARENA con el 24% en total el porcentaje de mujeres en el periodo 2012-2015 será del 26% de mujeres, ojalá que en cuestión de legislar por los derechos de las mujeres las parlamentarias logren consensos importantes.

 *Datos del Tribunal Supremo Electoral

SOBRE LOS RESULTADOS PARA ALCALDÍAS.

El gran ganador en el área metropolitana es ARENA que le arrebato al FMLN las grandes alcaldías como Soyapango, Apopa, Mejicanos, Ayutuxteque, San Martin, Ilopango entre otras.La diferencia con que fueron ganadas es de pocos votos, pero ahí están los resultados en este caso es de analizar el trabajo que cada concejo a realizado en su municipio, la gente valora mucho el trabajo que hace cada funcionario local, los alcaldes y sus concejos deben estar muy cerca de la gente, escuchar sus demandas y buscar soluciones la gente apoya al que le resuelve sus problemas, para el caso de concejos municipales mucha gente deja a un lado su ideología y vota por el que le resuelve sus demandas, pero además influyen otros aspectos como la publicidad y la generación de imagen (Caso Norman).

 Como parte de una red de solidaridad entre El Salvador y los Estados Unidos la Fundación SHARE y Ciudades Hermanas Estados Unidos – El Salvador fueron  miembros del equipo de observación internacional el 11 de Marzo.  Observaron en centros de votación en San Salvador, Aguilares, Santa Tecla, Tecoluca (San Vicente), Cinquera (Cabañas), y Las Américas (Cuscatlán). Los y las observadores observaron en 8 centros de votación, observando un total de 92 mesas de votación.

Estamos emitiendo este informe que es una reflexión, parte de nuestro compromiso con el fortalecimiento de la democracia y la justicia en El Salvador y en los Estados Unidos. Por lo que pudimos observar El Salvador sigue avanzando en la construcción de una sociedad más democrática y justa. Aun con las dificultades y los retos de implementar nuevas reformas electorales, los oficiales electorales y miembros de los partidos en cada centro de votación mostraron un fuerte compromiso con el proceso electoral.

Esta misión se dedicó a observar y documentar la organización del evento electoral -desde la inscripción de los y las observadores hasta la transmisión de los resultados en cada centro de votación- el ejercicio del sufragio de cada ciudadano, el escrutinio y el cierre del evento electoral. Aquí presentamos nuestras observaciones de los logros, los aspectos positivos, las dificultades y las irregularidades que se presentaron el proceso, teniendo en cuenta de que ningún sistema electoral es perfecto. Así mismo, con el presente informe ofrecemos sugerencias al TSE, a los partidos políticos y a la sociedad civil salvadoreña, para apoyar solidariamente al proceso.

En general, todos los observadores de la misión quedaron muy impresionados con el nivel de compromiso, conocimiento y profesionalismo de todos los oficiales, especialmente las los miembros de las Juntas Receptoras de Votos –JRV- las Juntas Electorales Municipales –JEM- y las y los fiscales electorales. En la mayoría de los centros y mesas de votación, los oficiales eran muy metódicos y responsables en el ejercicio de sus cargos. También, mostraron su compromiso trabajando y aguantando calor, hambre y cansancio desde el 5 de la mañana hasta el cierre del proceso, a las 11 ó 12 de la noche, o incluso al día siguiente. Aun con todas las emociones, el estrés del evento y la historia conflictiva del país, también quedamos impresionados con los oficiales y ciudadanos que trabajaron juntos para resolver conflictos y agilizar los procesos electorales.

Igualmente, queremos reconocer el alto nivel de participación ciudadana que vimos en todos los aspectos del proceso electoral. En su mayoría, las JRV eran conformadas por jóvenes y mujeres, quienes mostraron mucho compromiso y valentía ante la presión del momento y las condiciones difíciles. Viniendo de los Estados Unidos, donde la participación electoral es bastante baja, quedamos impresionados e inspirados con la gran cantidad de votantes. En algunos lugares, como en Cinquera, votó el 80% de la población.

En general, consideramos que la votación fue exitosa. Agradecemos a la ISD, El Tribunal Suprema Electoral, las JRV, la Policía Nacional y a todos y todas por el trabajo bien realizado. Así mismo, al pueblo salvadoreño que participó y fueron actores de su propia democracia.

 Es un día sumamente importante para las familias de las y los desparacidos, para la dignidad de las y los victimas, especialmente mientras que la justicia queda pendiente en El Salvador. 

 El Diario Colatino publicó un articulo, enfocado en la petición de varios de los ponientes, incluyendo Sigfrido Reyes, presidente de la Asamblea Legislativa, y Ester Alvarega, Coordinadora de Pro-Busqueda, que las fuerzas armadas abren sus archivos y colaboren con la busqueda:

 http://www.diariocolatino.com/es/20120329/portada/101923/Presionan-a-FAES-para-que-abra-archivos-de-la-Guerra-Civil.htm

 La Radio del Sur publicó el siguiente articulo sobre el evento:

 http://laradiodelsur.com/?p=83738

 The event began with formal speeches by Sigfrido Reyes, president of the Legislative Assembly, Juan José García, Viceminister of Salvadorans in the exterior, Erlinda Handal, Viceminister of Education, and a representative of the Human Rights Omsbudperson’s office, amongst others. Each of the speakers highlighted the importance of remembering the victims of forced disappearance, in order to give them dignity, and as one piece of the ongoing struggle for truth and justice. Congressman Sigfrido Reyes and Erlinda Handal called on the armed forces to open their archives to the National Committee in Search of Disappeared Children, to facilitate their search for truth.

 Following these speeches, a group of young men and women who were disappeared and have since found and been re-united with their families, took the functionaries’ places behind the table of honor. Ricardo Villelas shared his testimony, and Reyna Guerra read a pronouncement on behalf of all the disappeared youth. Ricardo and his brother and sister were captured together with several other children during an operation of the National Guard in Northern Morazan in 1980. Ricardo was eight, his brother, nine, and his sister six. They were held overnight at the garrison, and then each of the guards took children home with them to various different places. Ricardo remembers hugging each of his siblings, saying he didn’t know if or when they would see each other again, and his sister crying and crying. Ricardo was able to find and reconnect with his family in 1996, his brother in 1998, and his sister in 2001, thanks to the work of Pro-Busqueda.

 Reyna spoke of how much the state owes her and others who were disappeared. They were denied the right to live with their families, the right to their names, and their identities. On behalf of all the disappeared youth, Reyna demanded that the government comply with the Inter-American Human Rights Court’s ruling in the case of the disappeared Serrano Sisters, and the Contreras case, working for truth, justice, and reparations. Reyna also asked that the Legislative Assembly pass a decree to make the National Committee in Search of Disappeared Children a permanent committee. President Mauricio Funes founded the commission through an executive decree, but it could just as easily be disbanded by a future executive.

 After the youth spoke, Ester Alvarenga invited everyone to join in a procession up to the wall, to decorate the names of disappeared family members by taping brightly colored paper near them. The event closed with music, and everyone’s commitments to continue working for truth, justice, and reparations.

During his time as Archbishop, Monseñor Romero faithfully accompanied mothers and family members of the disappeared. Apolonia Sofia Escamía, one of the founding members of COMADRES, remembers his constant concern and guidance with tenderness.

 I grew up in the campo. I remember they paid us twenty-five cents a colon to work on the big haciendas. When I was seventeen, almost eighteen, my father helped run a strike. They were able to get the wages increased to seventy-five cents a day, but my father could no longer find work. In 1974 they killed my husband, but I did not understand why until later.

I used to see Monseñor Romero when I came to mass. He always mentioned and denounced Salvadorans that had been disappeared and killed. He spoke of the dead that showed up on the side of the road, that no one seemed to know who had killed. He asked that they be buried with a name and not in anonymous graves, so that mothers and wives looking for their husbands and children could find them.

In 1978 the national police captured my son in Suchitoto. They said it was because he was linked to the church, but he was only going to the church to get married. They captured him in my presence. They hit him and took his backpack. I talked with everyone I could in Suchitoto, asking them to ghelp me speak for my son. I went to the national police’s office, to find out what I could. I was there all evening. At nine p.m. they kicked me out. I could hear them beating my son, could hear his screams. I arrived at 6:30 the next morning, to bring my son breakfast, but they told me they had taken him to San Salvador. I went to the national police in San Salvador, but they said they didn’t have him there. I went to the national guard and left a photo, so that if they found my son they could let me know. I visited all the different security forces, but they all denied having my son.

Three days went by, and someone recommended I visit Monseñor Romero, that he would denounce my son’s disappearance. I went to meet with him and he asked me what had happened. I told him everything. He said, “I will do everything within my reach. Pray to the sacred heart for faith, and to the Santisima, that your son might be set free. If it was the national police that captured him, then they should have him.” On Sunday he denounced my son’s disappearance, asking his captors to let me know where he was, that I might not have to walk everywhere knowing the police had captured him and wondering where he was.

After six days, the police still said that they did not have my son, so I returned to visit Monseñor Romero. He told me that a group of women who are searching for their family members, just like me, came to the Cathedral on Sundays, and that they could give me advice on how to find my son. On Sunday I went to mass. Afterward, Monseñor Romero pointed out a group of five or six women that had gathered, all of whom were searching for their lost children, who had been taken prisoner, disappeared, or killed. They accompanied me in my search, visiting the police to ask about my son.

Monseñor worried so when we did not find him. He would give us advice and pray with us, that El Señor y la Santisma might hear us, illuminate our path, and give us the courage to continue searching. He always talked to the Salvadoran people and worried about them, worried about the poor. It felt so good to have Monseñor talk to us and give us advice, as if we were talking to God himself. He helped form our consciences, to become aware of the situation in the country and to feel the love and pain of others, and to help them. He still gives me faith now.

After fifty-two days they let my son go. I ran to Monseñor Romero to tell him they had given me my son. He asked, “And what are you thinking of doing now? Will you go home or will you help the other people who helped you to find your son?” It felt bad to go and leave the others, we had shared so much and come to care for eachother, so I continued to accompany my sisters.

Monsñeor Romero advised our little group of mothers that accompanied eachother and searched together to form a committee that we might better be able to denounce the disappearances and imprisonments. We wanted to name our committee after him, because of all of his help in creating our committee and in denouncing from the Cathedral. He said “That would be good, but I am alive now. If something were to happen and I were to die, then you would be free to use my name, but you must continue forward with the same courage as now.”

There has not been justice here. Peace cannot come from the military. Impunity continues. Those responsible for the killings and disappearances have not been punished. Instead the poor are punished. They killed our priests who spoke out as Monseñor Romero did, who asked what happened to our children, to our husbands, our brothers and sisters. If they did not respect Monseñor Romero, then how could they have respected us? Monseñor Romero listened to us, encouraged us, taught us. Monseñor spoke of how our people should not kill their own people. He went to the communities and visited the poor. He had the courage to defend the Salvadoran people. He was a voice for the voiceless. He spoke for justice for the poor and humble, spoke of the evils of poverty and repression. Monseñor Romero was another Christ who gave his life.

Learn more with SHARE’s Romero Week Guide 2012